Oregon Senators

Oregon Senators


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Class 2 Seat

Class 3 Seat

Service

SenatorParty

Service

SenatorParty

1859-1859

Delazon SmithDemocrat

1859-1861

Joseph LaneDemocrat

1860-1861

Edward D. BakerRepublican

1861-1867

James W. NesmithDemocrat

1861-1862

Benjamin StarkDemocrat

1867-1873

Henry W. CorbettRepublican

1862-1865

Benjamin F. HardingDemocrat

1873-1879

John H. MitchellRepublican

1865-1871

George Henry WilliamsRepublican

1879-1885

James H. SlaterDemocrat

1871-1877

James K. KellyDemocrat

1885-1897

John H. MitchellRepublican

1877-1883

La Fayette GroverDemocrat

1898-1903

Joseph SimonRepublican

1883-1895

Joseph N. DolphRepublican

1903-1909

Charles W. FultonRepublican

1895-1901

George W. McBrideRepublican

1909-1921

George E. ChamberlainDemocrat

1901-1905

John H. MitchellRepublican

1921-1927

Robert N. StanfieldRepublican

1905-1907

John M. GearinDemocrat

1927-1938

Frederick SteiwerRepublican

1907-1907

Frederick W. MulkeyRepublican

1938-1938

Alfred Evan ReamesDemocrat

1907-1913

Jonathan Bourne Jr.Republican

1938-1939

Alexander G. BarryRepublican

1913-1917

Harry LaneDemocrat

1939-1945

Rufus C. HolmanRepublican

1917-1918

Charles L. McNaryRepublican

1945-1969

Wayne L. MorseRepublican
Independent
Democrat

1918-1918

Frederick W. MulkeyRepublican

1969-1995

Bob PackwoodRepublican

1918-1944

Charles L. McNaryRepublican

1996-

Ron WydenDemocrat

1944-1955

Guy CordonRepublican

1955-1960

Richard L. NeubergerDemocrat

1960-1960

Hall S. LuskDemocrat

1960-1967

Maurine B. NeubergerDemocrat

1967-1996

Mark O. HatfieldRepublican

1997-

Gordon SmithRepublican

Salem Senators

One of the most highly-respected and storied sports team in Oregon history is the Salem Senators. Founded in 1940, and named after Salem, Oregon, the Capital of Oregon, the name has represented many various teams.

Waters Field, previously located at 25 th Street, and a block north of Mission, was the home of the Salem Senators. The brand new 5,000 seat stadium was built by George Waters who relocated the Class B Bellingham Chinooks from Bellingham, Washington. A record crowd of 4,865 showed up for the first game the largest crowd ever to attend a sporting event in Salem at that time. The team went thru many levels of professional baseball – Class A, Class B, Northwest League, Western International League, and in 1961 was renamed the Dodgers after becoming a farm team of the Los Angeles Dodgers. Notable players were future Major League Baseball Hall of Famers Bobby Cox and Mike Piazza, in addition to Jim Lefebrve and Mel Krause who is a member of the Oregon Sports Hall of Fame. Waters Field burned down in November, 1966, being set on fire by an arsonist.

However, this tragedy did not derail the Senators as they returned to the Class A Northwest League in 1977. They played their home games at Holland Youth Park prior to moving to Chemeketa Community College. In 1981, team President, Clint Holland, signed a player development agreement with the California Angels changing the name to the Salem Angels participating in the Northwest League. Joe Maddon, who went on to Manage the Anaheim Angels, Tampa Bay Devil Rays, Chicago Cubs and California Angels, and win two World Series, was the Manager of the 1982 Salem Angels. Notable players were future major leaguers Mark McLemore, Kirk McCaskill, Bob Kipper, Jack Howell, Ray Chadwick, Dante Bichette, Doug Jennings, Erik Pappas, and Chuck Finley. 1987 was the team’s last season in the Northwest League, and featured OF/3B Ruben Amaro, Jr.

And as they say “what goes around comes around”, and we proudly welcome the Salem Senators back in 2021. The highly-respected and storied team remains after 80 years.


Wayne Morse (1900-1974)

Wayne Morse and the Vietnam War: the name and the conflict will be forever linked in American history. Not only did Morse, senator from Oregon, 1945-1969, cast one of the two votes against the 1964 Tonkin Gulf resolution, which gave congressional approval to America's enlarged military involvement in Vietnam, but he also became the Senate's most vocal and persistent critic of the war and those who ran it. With his frequent appearances on television and anti-war speech-making across the country, Morse was rightfully credited for helping turn public opinion in favor of ending the bloody conflict and bringing the troops back home.

It is both fitting and unfair to tie Morse to Vietnam in our collective political memory: fitting because his opposition to the war was so powerful unfair because that memory tends to eclipse the many other significant accomplishments that characterized an eventful, controversial, and productive lifetime of public service.

Born in Verona, Wisconsin, on October 20, 1900, Wayne Lyman Morse grew up in a struggling farming family steeped in the independent beliefs of Midwestern Progressivism. Morse did his undergraduate work in speech and economics at the University of Wisconsin, from which he graduated in 1923. Upon receiving an M.A. in speech from Wisconsin in 1924, he married his childhood sweetheart, Mildred "Midge" Downie, who would be his companion for life. He then taught speech at the University of Minnesota, where he also earned a law degree in 1928. He began teaching at the University of Oregon Law School in 1929 two years later, at the age of thirty-one, he was named dean, thereby becoming the youngest head of a law school in the nation. With his new status, he led a successful statewide effort to defeat the infamous Zorn-McPherson bill, an initiative intended to dissolve the University of Oregon by combining it with Oregon State College (later Oregon State University) under one roof in Corvallis.

In the late-1930s, Morse, while still serving as Law School dean, acted as a labor mediator on the Pacific waterfront. He was in heavy demand up and down the West Coast by both shippers and dockworkers, so much so that parties on either side often refused to negotiate unless Dean Morse agreed to arbitrate their contract. One magazine labeled him "Boss of the Waterfront." Also during the 1930s, Midge gave birth to three daughters, Nancy, Judith and Amy.

Morse caught the eye of the Roosevelt administration, which employed him first to head a study for the Justice Department, then to settle a nationwide railroad strike, and finally, in 1942, to be a member of the National War Labor Board, a role in which he distinguished himself by writing three times the number of opinions on wartime labor-management grievances than produced by the other eleven members of the board combined.

Morse entered politics in 1944 and in his very first race won a seat in the U.S. Senate. Though elected as a Republican, he announced, in the language of the maverick, that he was "going to serve as my own master, under obligation to no one." That he would follow the maverick's way and not the path of party fidelity became evident almost immediately: he offered his own views on nearly every issue that came before Congress, from atomic weapons secrecy to parking regulations in the District of Columbia. More often than not—two-thirds of the time—he voted with the opposition Democrats. Morse was reelected in 1950 by one of the widest margins in Oregon history. Earlier that year he, along with six other senators, signed a Declaration of Conscience condemning the tactics used in congressional anti-Communist "witch hunts."

Morse broke party ranks entirely in 1952, angrily refusing to support the Eisenhower-Nixon ticket, whose platform he believed had been hijacked by reactionary elements of the Republican leadership. He declared himself an independent, campaigned vigorously for Democratic nominee Adlai Stevenson, and went on to serve in the Senate as a one-man "Independent party" for the next two-and-a-half years. During this period, he attracted national attention by speaking—on his feet, without leaving the Senate floor—for twenty-two hours and twenty-six minutes in a record-setting filibuster against the government's attempt to weaken public control over off-shore oil deposits.

Morse was reelected as a Democrat in 1956, soundly defeating Secretary of the Interior and former Oregon governor Douglas McKay. His popularity could be attributed, in part, to the record he had made in fostering the state's all-important timber industry: a record based on promoting sustained-yield logging and marketing opportunities for the smaller-sized forest-products companies. One of his first acts in the new Congress was to cast the deciding vote that gave the Democrats—and their majority leader, Lyndon Johnson—control of the Senate. This led to a restoration of his senatorial seniority, lost when he bolted the Republican Party. Thus Morse became an influential member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and especially of the Labor and Public Welfare Committee, where he was named chairman of the powerful Subcommittee on Education.

For much of his previous legislative career, Morse had been seen as a fearless and oft-times contentious defender of the positions he believed in, and his attacks sometimes turned opponents of the moment into lasting enemies. But as chair of the Education Subcommittee, working to advance John F. Kennedy's New Frontier and Johnson's Great Society programs, he was a master of consensus-building. He was described by a former adversary as "a man of high integrity . . . fair, open-minded, honest, and reliable." So regarded, he led a revolution in federal education policy, spearheading the passage of nearly sixty pieces of legislation, covering everything from the Head Start and Teacher Corps experiments to acts that revitalized teaching institutions, from pre-school to university, throughout the country. He came to be known as "Mr. Education" by his congressional colleagues.

In 1962, Morse was reelected by a convincing fifty-four percent of the vote. Four years later, in Oregon's 1966 senatorial race, he broke ranks again, this time by backing a Republican, Governor Mark O. Hatfield, a dove on Vietnam, against a Democratic candidate who was a staunch defender of the administration's war policy. Many Democratic activists would not forgive him for this apostasy and did little to help him in 1968 in his bid for a fifth term in the Senate. Morse lost to Republican Bob Packwood in a very tight contest. In a comeback attempt, he ran unsuccessfully against Hatfield in 1972. Morse died suddenly on July 22, 1974, in the midst of a vigorous campaign to reclaim his seat from Senator Packwood.

If admiration of a political figure can be measured by the number of posthumous tributes in his name, then admiration for Morse, especially by hometown friends and followers in Eugene, is close to limitless. The Morse ranch in Eugene has been turned into a city park, administered by the Wayne Morse Historical Park Corporation. The University of Oregon offers studies in the Wayne Morse Center for Law and Politics. There is a Wayne L. Morse Federal Courthouse and a Wayne Morse Free Speech Plaza in downtown Eugene. And perhaps of most significance, the Morse Historical Park Corporation issues an annual Integrity in Politics award to a national figure who, in its estimation, best follows Senator Morse's personal credo: "Principle Over Politics."


History

The Aumsville Museum & History Center is located at 599 Main St., Aumsville. They are open by appointment. Call Ted Shepard to set an appointment, 503-749-2744.

The central Willamette Valley was home to Native Americans of the Kalapuya Tribe. White settlers arrived in the mid-1800’s as part of the overland emigrant migration to Oregon. Marion County was identified as the Eden at the end of the Oregon Trail.

Historic Timeline

1843 Davie Lewis built sawmill on claim east of Aumsville

1843 John McHaley took up the first claim on land that includes eastern part of Aumsville.

1844 McHaley’s stepdaughter Polly Frazier married Reuben Lewis and they claimed land in Aumsville.

1848 Wagon train with Stephen and William Porter left Illinois for Oregon.

1849 William worked to build cabin and small herd of cattle. He went on to become the chief clerk at the first Territorial Legislative Assembly at Oregon City. He later served as a senator.

1850 Donation Land Claim Act passed for Oregon Territory allowing 320 acres to a single man, 640 acres to a married couple (half in each name).

1852 Henry L., Judith Turner, and family came over in covered wagon, purchased land from John McHaley.

1855 William Porter built a frame building which became the first school, also used as the church on Sundays. Henry Smith and Rueben Lewis built another school in the area near now Aumsville Hwy.

1856 Land was now secured under the Homestead Act at the price of $1.25 per acre.

1863 Henry Turner and sons build flourmill on their farm, what would become town of Aumsville. Community was called “Hoggum” due to pig farms. Before the mill was completed Turner’s son-in-law died. Aumsville is named after him, Amos (Aumus) Davis.

1864 Henry Turner and Henry Smith platted the town.

1866 First general store opened in Aumsville.

1868 Post office moved to Aumsville from Condit.

[School] 1880 Oregon Railway began operating. Tracks cross Shaff Road south of Aumsville.

1893 School was built on 9th between Main and Church. This school was in use until 1922.

1922 Amos Davis school opened in same location as previous school. This was in use through 1972.

1950 Local high school closed and became part of the Cascade High School.

1963 Maude Porter Boone donated 5 acres that had been part of her grandfather’s donation land claim to the City of Aumsville, and it’s now Porter-Boone Park


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Salem history: Senator Hotel

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Senator Hotel in Salem at 515 Court Street. On the left side of this photo there's a sign for the Stage Depot Food Shop. (Photo: Submitted by Martin Goebel, Fine Arts & Antiques)

The Senator Hotel was designed with transportation in mind. And it was replaced with a transit center 72 years later.

The hotel opened in 1928 at 515 Court St. NE with 111 rooms — 32 with bathtubs and 24 with showers. The Jan. 14, 1928, issue of Pacific Northwest Hotel News said "motor stages will utilize the conveniences of the new hotel to load and unload passengers there. Many public utilities are provided in the new hotel, such as rest rooms for passengers, toilet advantages, restaurant, check room, confectionary stands. A ladies' parlor, rest room and writing room are located on the mezzanine floor."

Buses entered from High Street NE and left through an alley to Court and Chemeketa streets, the story said. Oregon Stages Inc., Parker stages, Pickwick stages and the Hammond line either had their offices at the Senator or used the hotel as a regular stop.

"Directly at the rear of the stage depot is the parking place for the busses, ten of which can be parked beneath the special roof at one time. … The waiting room with standard fixtures is separate from the hotel lobby," the hotel news story said.

A Jan. 7, 1928, Capital Journal story said the hotel was expected to be fully operational by Jan. 20 of that year. Only some of the rooms were ready for passengers before then.

As modern and convenient for travelers as the new $150,000 hotel was, it didn't last long as a favorite place to stay in downtown Salem.

By the 1960s, the Senator was transitioning. In 1965, it turned into apartment use. In 1966, it became a women's residence, The Diana. After suffering from little use, it went back to being the Senator Hotel in 1968, according to a June 28, 1968, Oregon Statesman story.

By the early 1970s, restaurants and cocktail lounges moved into the hotel. The Vino Pasta Restaurant, and Silver Spur and Alley Kat cocktail lounges didn't last long. The remodeled hotel facilities opened Aug. 10, 1972. Months later, all three had closed. A Nov. 23, 1972, Oregon Statesman story quoted one owner as saying, "we took a hell of a loss, a real bath."

The Cabaret bar and Red Onion restaurant later opened for a time to replace the shuttered businesses. Those closed by January 1975.

One business that found success in the building was the Junior Bootery it lasted 45 years until the Senator met its demise. Another was the Beanery, which opened April 25, 1974. It, too, lasted until the end.

In December 1973, a fire thought to have be accidentally caused by a smoldering cigarette forced 70 to flee the hotel. It destroyed a third-floor bedroom. One resident was injured.

In 1973, Marion County purchased the property. It used the northern part of it as offices along with the Mid-Willamette Valley Council of Governments, and leased the southern portion, 57 rooms, as apartments for lower-income residents.

By 1982, the Marion County Housing Authority was losing money. A July 19, 1982, Statesman Journal story said the "Senator has a 30-percent vacancy rate, largely because of deteriorated condition of the hotel and a large pool of rentals available in Salem." The housing authority lost $7,000 in three months. Rent for a one-bedroom apartment ranged from $84 to $149 per month. Tenants shared bathrooms.

In September 1995, its fate was sealed. Officials decided the block would be the prime spot for a new transit mall.

By December 1996, the newspaper reported there were five people living in the Senator Hotel's 57 rooms. The end was near for the hotel.

One resident told the Statesman Journal in a May 5, 1997, story: "It's outlived its usefulness. I had a lot of good times there, but it's time for it to go."

It was demolished in 1997 to make way for the new Courthouse Square project. In September 2000, the bus and office complex opened, with a waiting area on the site where the Senator opened for passengers many years earlier.


Wyden was the primary sponsor of 56 bills that were enacted. The most recent include:

Does 56 not sound like a lot? Very few bills are ever enacted &mdash most legislators sponsor only a handful that are signed into law. But there are other legislative activities that we don&rsquot track that are also important, including offering amendments, committee work and oversight of the other branches, and constituent services.

We consider a bill enacted if one of the following is true: a) it is enacted itself, b) it has a companion bill in the other chamber (as identified by Congress) which was enacted, or c) if at least about half of its provisions were incorporated into bills that were enacted (as determined by an automated text analysis, applicable beginning with bills in the 110 th Congress).


A price on climate pollution isn’t a new concept.

While Oregon has worked its policy into shape for more than a decade, others have moved forward:

Every province in Canada will have a price on climate pollution by the end of 2019. China will launch its national cap-and-trade system in 2020. California ’s cap-and-invest program, in place since 2012, was extended for another decade with bipartisan support in 2017. The program is linked with the province of Quebec to form the North American Carbon Market .

Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island , and Vermont are all part of the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI), a program to cap and reduce emissions from the power sector in place since 2009. RGGI states doubled-down on their success in 2017, adopting new targets for emission reduction. Those states and others are looking to apply cap-and-invest polity to transportation in the next couple of years.


How an Oregon senator challenged the president over his treatment of the White House's squirrels

There are many reasons President Barack Obama didn't want Donald Trump to take his place in the Oval Office. But shortly before the election, he expressed an unexpected one: he feared for the fate of his wife's bountiful vegetable garden on the White House South Lawn.

"Right away, I guarantee you they'll dig up Michelle's garden," he said.

Believe it or not, this wasn't the first time the White House's sweeping, verdant yard, and a president's use of it, has provoked concern and outrage. One notable example, in fact, was sparked by a senator from Oregon.

Back in 1955, Sen. Richard Neuberger gave an impassioned speech on the Senate floor on behalf of the "White House squirrels." This wasn't a weird nickname for members of the president's staff. Neuberger was talking about actual squirrels, the little fuzzy-tailed rodents that gathered nuts on the White House grounds and no doubt got First Dog Heidi, President Dwight Eisenhower's beloved Weimaraner, all worked up.

Why were the presidential squirrels in danger? They were digging up Ike's putting green. The president was a dedicated -- you could even say obsessed -- golfer who practiced his puts at every opportunity. So White House groundskeepers, determined to keep his green pristine, set out traps and began transporting their captured prey to far-off woods.

Neuberger was outraged that squirrels would be forcibly removed from their home -- and from their families! -- just so the president's putts wouldn't face any obstacles. He declared that Eisenhower should say if he "approves of this deportation of the squirrels to protect his golf putting green. Does he intend to stop it? Is it continuing? Will he take steps to bring back the White House squirrels?"

Neuberger had a plan, wrote The Oregonian: "to raise enough money to build a fence around the putting green, stop the deportations and bring back those already carried off, if possible." The Democratic senator launched the fund by committing $25 out of his own pocket.

The result: Americans across the country raged against the president in newspaper letters to the editor and other venues. This, of course, was entirely predictable: Americans tend to love animals more than they love presidents, even when the commander-in-chief is an amiable, grandfatherly general who had saved the world from Nazism a mere decade earlier. One letter to a Washington, D.C., newspaper hoped for their sake "that the songbirds will remain quiet while the president is putting."

The rest of the country might have been satisfied with letter-writing, but Oregonians decided to take more forceful action. It started with a sorority at Portland's Cleveland High School launching a "Nuts to Neuberger" drive.

"We're a social organization, you know," said 17-year-old Nancy Clancy, the sorority's president, "and our principal said we're supposed to do something for the good of mankind. So we're sending nuts to Neuberger to feed the squirrels on the White House lawn."

Clancy explained the inspiration for the effort:

"I saw [Neuberger's] picture in the paper and thought he was resigning from the Senate, so I read all the story. I'm keeping up with the world, you see."

The lure of poor, lost squirrels, dumped far from their luxurious White House home, was irresistible. Said Clancy:

"Before we heard about the problem Neuberger was having with the squirrels, we were going to collect a barrel of soap for the Koreans."

The campaigners sent 70 pounds of "assorted walnuts and stale peanuts" to Oregon's senator. (Another group unaffiliated with Cleveland High, the "nonpartisan" Nuts to Neuberger Committee of Portland, soon joined the effort, sending more bags of nuts to the nation's capital.)

Neuberger -- who would die in 1960 at just 47, leading to his wife Maurine's election to his seat later in the year -- sent his thanks to the sorority for their concern for "the welfare of wildlife." He added that the nuts had been turned over to the Boy Scouts "with the suggestion that they be distributed to the members for feeding squirrels during their hiking trips and outdoor activities."

So the stale Oregon nuts probably didn't end up being comfort food for the White House's displaced rodents. But Neuberger and the Cleveland High sorority's campaign did help get the president's attention.

"It's a funny thing, but I didn't know anything about it until I read it in the paper," Eisenhower said of the squirrel brouhaha.

The deportations immediately stopped, though no fence was built and the squirrels that had been spirited away were not tracked down and returned.


Mr. Conflict-of-Interest, Oregon Senator Mark Hass, Spearheads $1.6 Billion 'Business Tax'

Mapping the self-admitted conflicts of a powerful Oregon state senator.

Oregon State Senator Mark Hass wants to tax the small businesses and entrepreneurs of Oregon – even if these businesses lose money and earn no profits. A $1.6 billion gross receipts tax would be the largest tax hike in state history. It's bad policy, and it's being spearheaded by a state senator who, by his own admission, has conflicts of interest.

Hass declared six ‘potential’ conflicts of interest on his legislative votes (2010-2016). Our organization at OpenTheBooks.com investigated the claims and found these conflicts all too real.

Consider one of Hass's self-admitted conflicts of interest that involves legislative votes, employment at a private-sector public relations firm, PR contracts with a state agency, and payments to his PR firm from his state senate re-election campaign.

In addition to serving as a state senator, Hass works as an advertising executive for Cappelli Miles – a Portland-based public relations firm. Cappelli Miles helped re-elect Hass to the state senate. The Oregonian found $3,530 in “web-design” payments to Cappelli Miles from the Hass campaign account (It’s Legal, But is it Ethical? 1/2017).

The Oregon Forest Resources Institute (OFRI), a small state agency, paid $1.1 million to Cappelli Miles last year at a billing rate of $150 per hour. In 2013, on legislation relating to the OFRI and the forest products harvest tax (HB2051), Hass waited until after the vote to declare his “potential conflict of interest.” Two years later, when a similar bill hit the floor, Hass didn't declare a conflict at all. This bill (HB2455) didn’t mention OFRI explicitly, but increased the forest products harvest tax on the timber industry and membership served by OFRI.

Hass's conflict of interest with OFRI isn’t going away. A competitively-bid $4.75 million five-year state contract between OFRI and Cappelli Miles (2011) morphed into a $12.65 million contract running through 2021 – without competition. A clause in the contract allows for another five-year extension through 2026. Hass helped design advertising strategy and marketing for OFRI.

This isn't the only time Hass tangled his PR work with senate legislation. Hass was the chief sponsor allowing beverage distributors to establish distributor cooperatives (2012). Hass declared a ‘potential conflict’: Cappelli Miles did business with The Oregon Beverage Recycling Coop (OBRC) – a cooperative corporation owned by Oregon beverage distributors. OBRC also gave Hass $2,000 in campaign cash (2012-2013). This set of entanglements didn't stop Hass from carrying the legislation.

All of these transactions – at arm’s length – might be legal, but the pattern is certainly troubling (no quid-pro-quo is alleged or implied). Hass has blurred all the lines between private employment and public business. In response to our request for comment, Hass said:

Oregon has a citizen's legislature, where members serve part-time. Like many of my colleagues, I also work for a private employer when the legislature is not in session. Sometimes our employers do business or have relationships with organizations affected by indirect or direct legislative actions.

When this occurs our ethics laws require us to state a potential conflict of interest. So, I try to make disclosures at the appropriate times in the legislature, usually before a vote is taken.

I think a legislature composed of people with real jobs in the real world make for a more grounded and centered organization. I’ve joked that there should be a rule that all legislators must have outside jobs or own businesses, and that they must have kids in public schools.

Now, Hass is promoting the largest tax hike in state history. It’s a particularly onerous tax on the job creating, small business entrepreneurial economic engine of Oregon.

Under Hass's tax, Oregon's small businesses owners face double taxation – first on their sales to Oregonians and again when they pay personal income taxes. Published in the Oregonian, Stayce Blume argued the tax would cost her family business – The Skyland Pub in Troutdale – an additional $7,000 per year.

"This tax would eat the equivalent of eight days of our small restaurant's revenue," Blume wrote. "By strapping us down with additional taxes, in a business that doesn't have big margins to begin with, it makes it difficult for us to keep our prices at a point that are reasonable to our customers."

Even in Illinois, with both chambers loaded with Democratic supermajorities, a similar tax was unanimously rejected - for many of the same reasons articulated by Ms. Blume. When former Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich proposed a gross tax receipt bill in the Illinois House of Representatives in 2010, not a single representative voted in favor of a resolution asking if Illinois should adopt the tax. The bill was rejected 107-0.

In November 2016, Oregonians overwhelmingly rejected a similar tax at the ballot box. Citizens should think twice about Sen. Mark Hass and his ill-conceived gross receipts tax.

Adam Andrzejewski (say: And-G-F-Ski) is the founder and Chief Executive Officer of OpenTheBooks.com – a database containing 3.5 billion captured spending transactions from federal, state and local governments across America.

Read our recent Forbes editorials "Oregon State Government's $278 Million Self-Promotion 'PR' Machine," here and "Oregon Gov. Kate Brown and AG Ellen Rosenblum Blaze the Oregon Trail of Political Patronage," here.


Watch the video: Rep. Mike Nearman helps right-wing demonstrators breach Oregon Capitol